试卷名称:研究生英语学位课统考(GET)模拟试卷21

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The sharp fall in cigarette consumption in the US has led to steep declines in some negative health outcomes. But it has also, interestingly, coincided with another trend: the rise of obesity. “No one would recommend cigarette smoking as a way to combat obesity, “ said Charles Baum, a professor of economics. He wondered what human behavior has played a role in the growing pervasiveness of obesity. So they tried to estimate how trivial things might have contributed. In order to approximate the effect of various socio-environmental factors, Baum used detailed data of three decades about the characteristics of over 12, 000 youths. They found that nothing seemed to have much effect at all except the changes in cigarette consumption. “The decline in the prevalence of cigarette smoking didn’t have a large effect, but it had an effect, “ said Baum. “It can explain about as much as 4 percent of the increase in obesity.“ The impact associated with the fall in cigarette consumption was the largest of all the factors the researchers tested — such as the rise of urbanization and increase of restaurants — and that held true in all the three models they built to compare various factors. Cigarettes are a well-known appetite suppressant. There is much research that suggests nicotine tends to decrease food intake. The reasons include resultant changes to the nervous system, physical activity and preferences in food consumption. The effect is so significant that a study conducted in the early 1990s, which found that “major weight gain is strongly related to smoking cessation, “ noted that it’s likely part of what makes it so hard for people to quit. The obesity epidemic is more likely the result of a complex web of many and varied societal shifts. There are things, of course, that contribute more than others. But there are also smaller, overlooked factors that slip through the cracks, evading the broader discussion. “Obviously, it’s hard to establish any causal relationship here, but I would definitely say that the fall in smoking probably contributed to the rise in obesity, “ said Freedhoff, an obesity expert. What exactly are we supposed to learn from the suggestion that the fall in smoking might have contributed to the rise in obesity? The answer is that it’s better to view this finding as more of a point of interest, a takeaway that allows us to look at how societal changes move like waves that ripple, touching other shifts, even if only slightly.  

  

Which of the following best serves as the title of this passage?

A.One Healthy Trend Has Had Unexpected Side Effect.

B.Different Causes of Obesity Epidemic in the US.

C.Correlations between Cigarettes and Appetite.

D.Cigarette Smoking Is Effective for Weight Control.

  

The last paragraph seems to suggest that______.

A.overweight people should not quit smoking

B.quitting smoking undoubtedly contributes to obesity

C.this finding is somewhat amusing and thought-provoking

D.social changes are mostly sudden and dramatic

  

The underlined sentence in Paragraph Five probably means that______.

A.the effect of smoking on obesity has been neglected

B.there are possibly some other trivial factors for obesity

C.reduced cigarette smoking is the leading cause of obesity

D.other effects of smoking should be studied in depth

  

Which of the following is true according to this passage?

A.Fear of weight gain may make quitting smoking difficult.

B.Cigarette smoking can usually increase one’s appetite.

C.The increase of restaurants is responsible for obesity.

D.The obesity epidemic is simply due to chronic inactivity

  

One of Charles Baum’s findings is that the decline in cigarette consumption______.

A.is accompanied by a decline in obesity

B.has contributed to the rise of obesity

C.has had no effect on the rate of obesity

D.was caused by the pervasive obesity

  

Charles Baum was curious about______.

A.how cigarette smoking helped combat obesity

B.what was the exact mechanism of obesity

C.whether smoking was harmful to health

D.what personal habits contributed to obesity

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According to a poll, around 70 percent of American kids stop playing organized sports by the age of 13 because “it’s just not fun anymore.“ However, the actual reason is some cultural, economic and systemic issues that result in our kids turning away from organized sports when they could benefit from them most, though playing sports offers everything from physical activity, experiencing success and bouncing back from failure to working as a team and getting away from the universal presence of screens. Why this happens? The first explanation is that as children get closer to high school, the system of youth sports is geared toward meeting the needs of more competitive players, and the expectations placed on them increase. The pressure to raise “successful“ kids means that we expect them to be the best. If they’re not, they’re encouraged to focus on areas where they can excel. A second argument is that for kids, playing at a more competitive level can mean having to prioritize their interests and work tirelessly. The required investment of time and money is so substantial that kids of lower-income or single-parent families are simply shut out of the game. It seems to me that it’s just the age. At 13, kids have more difficult school work. Most are encouraged to start choosing what interests them most and what they’re best at. There’s no longer time for them to do as much as they did in elementary school. Social and emotional changes they experience also push them to make decisions such as quitting sports. Kids become more focused on and influenced by friends, many of whom are walking away from organized sports. Social media, smartphones and the Internet also count. Most U.S. kids receive their first cellphone or wireless device by the age of 12. 92 percent of teens aged 13-17 report being online every day, and 24 percent are online “almost constantly.“ As kids become teenagers, their priorities change. How they socialize, study and spend their time changes with them. The system of youth sports is set up to cater to more elite players as they approach high school, leaving average kids with fewer opportunities. Our culture encourages specialization and achievement, which discourages kids from just playing for fun. Most kids leave because we haven’t given them a way to stay. We don’t stand a chance of solving this problem until we change the parenting culture that emphasizes achievement and success over healthy, happy kids.
Women are happy to wander aimlessly through a sea of clothing and accessory collections or linger through the shoe department. They like to glide up glass escalators past a grand piano, or spray a perfume sample on themselves on their way to, maybe, making a purchase. For men, shopping is a mission. They are out to buy a targeted item and flee the store as quickly as possible, according to a new Wharton research. In a study, researchers at Wharton’s Jay H. Baker Retail Initiative and the Verde Group, a Toronto consulting firm, found that women react more strongly than men to personal interaction with sales associates. Men are more likely to stress usefulness over beauty or other considerations by responding to such aspects of the experience as the availability of parking, whether the item they came for is in stock, and the length of the checkout line. “Women tend to be more invested in the shopping experience on many dimensions, “ says Robert Price, chief marketing officer at CVS Caremark and a member of the Baker advisory board. “Men want to go to Sears, buy a specific tool and get out.“ As one female shopper between the ages of 18 and 35 told the researchers “I love shopping. I love shopping even when I have a deadline. I just love shopping.“ Compare that to this response from a male in the same age group who described how men approach retailing: “We’re going to this store and we buy it and we leave because we want to do something else.“ Price says women’s role as caregiver persists even as women’s professional responsibilities mount. He speculates that this responsibility contributes to women’s more acute shopping awareness and higher expectations. On the other hand, after generations of relying on women to shop effectively for them, men’s interest in shopping has atrophied. According to Wharton marketing professor Setphen J. Hock, shopping behavior mirrors gender differences throughout many aspects of life. “Women think of shopping in an inter-personal, human fashion and men treat it as more instrumental. It’s a job to get done, “ he says, adding that the data has implications for retailers interested in developing a more segmented approach to build and maintain loyalty among male and female customers. So it can be concluded that when it comes to shopping, men are from Mars, women are from Venus.
Economics often misses an important element of inequality between males and females: unpaid work. The main measure of economic activity, GDP, counts housework when it is paid, but excludes it when it is done free of charge. This is an arbitrary distinction and leads to the funny question of what happens to a country’s GDP when a man marries his maid. The usual defense is that measuring unpaid work is hard. Diane Coyle, an economist, asks whether statistical agencies have not bothered to collect data on unpaid housework precisely because women do most of it. Marilyn Waring, a feminist economist, has suggested that the system of measuring GDP was designed by men to keep women “in their place“. Women in rich countries spend roughly 5% more time working than men. But they spend roughly twice as much time on unpaid work, and only two-thirds the time men do in paid work. By excluding unpaid work from the national accounts, economists not only diminish women’s contribution, but cover up the staggering inequality in who does it. Ignoring unpaid work also misrepresents the significance of particular kinds of economic activity. Ms. Waring thinks that raising well-cared-for children is just as important to society as making buildings or cars. Yet as long as the former is excluded from official measures of output, investing resources in it seems like less of a priority. In a perfectly equal world, men would do much more child-rearing than they do now. It is women who are disadvantaged by economists’ failure to measure the value of parenting properly. Now let’s look at the impact of measuring things differently. A new version of GDP that included unpaid work was attempted. Doing so boosted GDP overall, but lowered the growth rate: as women have moved into paid work, they have been doing less unpaid work at home, so total production has not been rising as quickly as official figures suggest. By some estimates, including unpaid work boosted GDP in 1965 by 39%, but by only 26% in 2010. Over the 45 years between, they put the average annual nominal growth rate at 6.7% if unpaid work is included, lower than the official 6.9%. Ignoring the feminist perspective is bad economics. The discipline aims to explain the allocation of scarce resources; it is bound to go wrong if it ignores the role that deep imbalances between men and women play in this allocation. As long as this inequality exists, there is space for feminist economics.
人类当前面临多种挑战,其中之一就是全球变暖。对汽车的过度依赖加速了化石燃料的枯竭,也增加了温室气体的排放。我们被迫转向替代能源,如太阳能和核能。减少能源消耗并不意味着生活水平的降低,但需要更新基础设施。我们应该学会放眼全球,从我做起。
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